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Surprising no one, and yet shocking many, avowed socialist Zohran Mamdani won the election yesterday to become Mayor of the largest city in the United States. Probably the main reason for Mamdani’s victory is that he pursued the tried-and-true method of giving out free stuff, and a whole generation of Americans who have systematically been poorly educated in history and economics said “that sounds awesome.” So, now we will see whether socialism will work for the first time ever. This is an inflation blog, so I want to review briefly the effects of price controls on inflation – and indirectly, on inflation instruments. It’s interesting because we actually have some direct and recent experience with what were effectively price controls: the Biden Administration’s ‘eviction moratorium’ during COVID, that prevented landlords from tossing out renters who weren’t paying their rent. Really, it’s a pretty amazing thing that says a lot about Americans that the vast majority of renters continued to pay rent anyway. An ancillary effect, though, was that landlords had no leverage to raise rents and therefore, rents stopped going up. Unsurprisingly (and here is where the lesson should have been learned), when the eviction moratorium was lifted rents re-accelerated. In the chart below, note how in 2021 effective rents declined while asking rents went up – but the red line eventually rebounded and exceeded the prior trend. I actually haven’t looked at that chart in a little while. It’s fascinating to me that ‘asking rents’ (which come from the Census department) have maintained their divergence from ‘effective rents’ (sourced from Reis Inc). I wonder if some of that is the effect of the LA wildfires. In any case, not today’s article. The point is that the effective price controls on rents did have an effect on measured rents, but it didn’t change the economics and eventually prices caught up. Back in 2022, I produced an excellent podcast episode. In it, I discussed some of the trial balloons that had been floated by the Administration and some of the really bad economics that was being used to support the idea. This is a part of the transcript (from Turboscribe.ai), and I still love the analogy: That was a public service announcement, just to remind you why price controls don’t work. That doesn’t mean they aren’t really good politics, especially if you can leave the removal of the controls to the next guy who ‘causes’ the inflation when they come off. And it’s the politics, not the economics, that leads to this dumb idea being tried over and over despite a roughly 0% record of success. Because can price controls affect price indices? You betcha. If you make it illegal to move prices, then at least official prices will not move. So let’s consider the potential impact of Mamdani freezing rents and grocery prices, for example. New York City is about 7% of the sample. Technically, it’s New York-Newark-Jersey City but we know most of that is NYC. In the New York consumption basket, Rent of Primary Residence is about 11%, 28% is Owners’ Equivalent Rent, and 8% is Food at Home. So, if rents and grocery prices were frozen, about 19% of the NY CPI would go to zero month/month right away (at least officially – the best tomatoes will be sold on the black market for a premium of course and the best catch of the day will be sold in NJ…) And since OER is based on a survey of primary rents, eventually 47% or so of the NY CPI basket will go to zero price change. I’m ignoring the quality adjustments in the housing stock, which have the effect of increasing OER inflation slightly. The effect of this on the national CPI: if 47% of the NY basket goes from, say, 4% inflation to 0%, and NY is 7% of the national CPI, then the really-rough effect on the US CPI would be 47% x -4% x 7% = -13bps per year. Obviously that’s extremely rough, but I’m just aiming for an order of magnitude calculation. 13bps is small, but noticeable. Probably not tradeable. But here is something that’s interesting and potentially tradeable. New York City is about 30% of the Case-Shiller 10-City Home Price Index. Let’s suppose that home prices in New York over the next year drop, say, 10%. That move would cause the nationwide Case-Shiller (10-city) index to drop 3%, or to rise 3% less than it otherwise would. Here’s what is interesting. The chart below shows the February 2027 NYC Metro Case-Shiller futures contract, which trades on the CME (and settles to the index for December 2026, which is released in February 2027). There has been exactly zero price effect of the Mamdani victory. To be sure, open interest in the NYC contract – in all of the Case-Shiller contracts, for that matter – is extremely low but there is an active market-maker and the current price as I write this is 344.40 bid/351.60 offer. The last print of the S&P Cotality Case-Shiller New York Home Price NSA Index, for August 2025, was 334.08. On the bid side, then, the market is paying 3.1% higher prices than the current index. That seems sporty to me. Why would home prices rise if rents are frozen? Why would they rise if people are leaving the city? As always, my musings here are not trade recommendations; do your own research. Original Post *** Disclosure: I do not currently have a position either long or short in any housing futures contract, nor does any account or fund that I or Enduring Investments manages, nor do I currently have plans to initiate any position.
