Copyright The Boston Herald
As of September, Irish professionals seeking American employment face a $100,000 barrier: the new cost for an H-1B visa petition. Meanwhile, approximately 5,000 E-3 visas, which cost just $315 and are set aside for Australian professionals, go unused annually. Legislation granting Irish nationals access to this surplus passed the U.S. House of Representatives in 2020, but became stuck in the Senate after a single senator used a procedural hold to block its progress. Given this history and the Trump administration’s broader clampdown on immigration, it may seem strange to argue that the circumstances are right to add Ireland to the E-3 program now. However, the administration’s transactional outlook on world affairs creates a compelling logic for why Ireland deserves a high-skill visa carveout. Ireland represents America’s fifth-largest foreign direct investment destination at $467 billion, larger than U.S. investment in China. Currently, 970 U.S. companies operate in Ireland, directly employing 210,000 people and spending $48 billion annually in the Irish economy. Sixteen of the top 20 global technology companies maintain significant Irish operations: Google employs approximately 5,500 in Dublin, Meta employs 2,000, and Apple employs 6,000 in Cork. Reciprocally, approximately 500 Irish firms employ 118,000 Americans across all 50 states. This economic integration depends on talent mobility. Irish H-1B usage had already declined 75% from 2,161 approvals in 2011 to 533 in 2019, before recent fee increases. According to data analyzed by The Irish Times, only 372 Irish workers held H-1B status by September 2025. The new $100,000 additional charge has now made this pathway prohibitive. The proposed E-3 access would restore affordable mobility at a minimal scale. Based on population ratios and Australian usage patterns, Ireland would likely use 1,200-1,300 visas annually, well below the 5,000 available from the Australian surplus. Ireland’s 5.46 million population is one-fifth of Australia’s 27.2 million, while current Irish visa usage runs at less than half Australia’s per capita rate. Even high-demand scenarios reaching 4,000-5,000 annually would represent 0.012% of America’s 25 million STEM workers. These low numbers should alleviate American concerns about foreign competition and Irish concerns over brain drain. Critics argue that immigration should be “merit-based” rather than “country-based.” This objection overlooks the fact that E-3 visas require the same merit qualifications as H-1B visas: a bachelor’s degree, a specialty occupation, and prevailing wage certification. The only distinction is passport nationality, exactly like existing programs for Australians (E-3), Singaporeans (H-1B1), and Chileans (H-1B1). The United States maintains country-specific visa arrangements with over 80 nations through treaty programs, each reflecting bilateral relationships and strategic calculations. Australia’s E-3 emerged from the 2004 U.S.-Australia Free Trade Agreement following security alliance considerations. Ireland’s proposed access presents a stronger economic justification: where U.S. investment in Australia totals $198 billion, U.S. investment in Ireland reaches $467 billion. Where Australia generates modest reciprocal investment, Ireland contributed the most new foreign direct investment expenditures in 2024. Three pathways could advance the legislation. Direct negotiation might demonstrate to Congress that Ireland’s intelligence cooperation, NATO Cyber Defence Centre participation, and evolving economic partnership serve American national security interests. Attachment to must-pass legislation, like defense authorization, could bypass unanimous consent requirements. The February 2025 reintroduction by the bipartisan Friends of Ireland Caucus positions the bill for such opportunities. The dysfunction extends beyond this specific case. Immigration policy should function as statecraft, advancing American interests through strategic visa allocation. Instead, the United States denies affordable access to nationals of its fifth-largest investment destination while leaving 5,000 visas unused annually, serving no American worker, advancing no security interest, preserving no principle. This represents a policy that operates against competitiveness at precisely the moment when great power competition demands leveraging every advantage. If unanimous House passage, bipartisan Senate support, zero budgetary cost, and compelling economic data cannot overcome one senator’s procedural hold, American immigration policy has ceased functioning rationally. The Irish E-3 case tests whether evidence can still overcome obstruction. For Ireland’s $34 billion in annual American investment and America’s strategic need for reliable EU partners, the answer matters considerably. Gil Guerra is a Boston resident and Immigration Policy Analyst at the Niskanen Center, and was named the 2024 Rising Expert in Latin America by Young Professionals in Foreign Policy
