Jordan Wood, one of the Democrats vying to challenge Republican Senator Susan Collins in Maine, told Newsweek that he hears from voters across the state that it is time for new leadership in Washington, D.C.
Why It Matters
Maine’s Senate race in the 2026 midterms is likely to be among the most competitive races next year as Democrats hope to unseat the state’s longtime senator.
However, defeating Collins has proven to be difficult in the past—she has won big against other Democrats, even as the state remains predominantly Democratic in other federal races. However, Democrats are hopeful that Trump’s wavering approval rating could hurt Collins in an era of heightened polarization and declining ticket splitting, as the state backed former Vice President Kamala Harris by seven points last year.
What To Know
Wood, 35, has been in D.C. before, serving as chief of staff to former Representative Katie Porter and as political director for End Citizens United. He was born and raised in Lewiston, the second-largest city in Maine. He faces several other Democrats in the primary and is hoping his anti-corruption focus will resonate with Mainers.
Generational change is among the concerns he hears most from on the campaign trail, Wood said.
“I hear it most from older voters who watched what we went through with Joe Biden, where an elder statesman, someone who has served this country in the Senate since he was, I think, younger than me, but clinging to power and not willing to pass the torch and bring in generational change. The consequences of that we are dealing with now,” he said.
He said that having younger leaders in Congress could help legislators address more of the issues facing young Americans.
Younger Americans also see Congress as “detached” from the issues they are most concerned about—one way his campaign is “different” from others in the past that ran against Collins.
“If we had more senators who had graduated college with massive amounts of student loan debt, I think we would have solved this problem. If we had more senators who had as much exposure to gun violence as I have, and so many young people have, we would have solved that problem,” he said.
Wood said he was moved to jump into the race after he and his husband had their first child earlier this year.
“My daughter was a big part of ultimately deciding to run to and how I think about the future and the work in front of us to make sure that our children grow up in a country that respects the rule of law that embraces democracy and stands up for what’s right,” he said.
He said he believes the campaign is about two major issues: the need to end political corruption and affordability.
Issues around the cost of living have become “too much to overcome,” he said.
“The theme of this campaign, since we started, has been Maine courage, not just concern. Courage to stand up to Donald Trump in what I believe is this lawless, unconstitutional behavior coming from the White House, but also courage to stand up for working people in families like the one I grew up in,” Wood said.
When it comes to issues like health care, Maine is already facing challenges, such as the risk to rural hospitals and the closure of maternity wards across the state, he said. He said he believes Congress should work toward a single-payer system, such as Medicare-for-All, and that the first step would be to create a public option in the marketplace.
On tariffs, Wood said that the implementation has been “haphazard, chaotic, and senseless,” hitting Maine’s economy hard, particularly in coastal towns like Old Orchard Beach and Ogunquit that have seen reduced tourism from Canada.
Still, he said he believes parts of towns, including his hometown of Lewiston, have been “left behind” by trade deals.
“Truthfully, a lot of these trade deals were driven by corporate America and the wealthiest, and that’s who’s benefited from these. Growing up in Lewiston, and spending time in mill towns across the state, I know what that looks like,” he said.
Wood on Plans to End Corruption and Strengthen Democracy
Wood’s emphasis on corruption stems from his time advocating for issues like climate change or gun safety reform, he said, noting that after the Citizens United Supreme Court case, he realized how big money “is really standing in the way of our ability to deliver” on key issues.
“If you’re trying to influence a member of Congress by advocating for policy, you shouldn’t also be able to leverage money. That’s what voters want,” he said. “These reforms are essential to earning back the trust of working people, everyday people in our country to know that the policy solutions that Congress is passing are done in their best interest only, not because of donors or special interests.”
This decline in trust in democracy has played a role in fueling growing political violence in the country, which has culminated in assassinations of political leaders like Minnesota legislator Melissa Hortman and conservative activist Charlie Kirk, he said.
“Democracy is starting to be undermined when people feel like they can’t be heard and they’re resorting to violence and that there is a culture that is creating a permission for that,” he said.
He said he believes President Donald Trump “uniquely has been responsible for” the rising political temperature and that his decision to pardon those convicted of crimes related to the January 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol was the worst thing he has done as president.
Sweeping democracy reform, including anti-corruption measures and efforts to end partisan gerrymandering, would be a “first step to restoring trust for people in our democracy and its ability to solve our problems,” he said.
Wood Says 2026 Will Be Collins’ Toughest Race Yet
The 2026 race will be Collins’ most challenging race yet, Wood said. Her 2020 election was the first “concerted” effort to unseat her, as she received support from groups like the Human Rights Campaign and environmental groups in her previous reelection bids.
He said 2026 will be a “drastically different political environment” from 2020 after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, the landmark case that guaranteed abortion rights across the country. Abortion remains legal in Maine, but other states have moved to ban the procedure since the 2022 ruling.
“Voters now know that Donald Trump will be president the day after this midterm. It is a state that understands deeply what’s at stake with Donald Trump and the White House and the need for the Senate to be a check on that power. I think that voters think about this differently,” Wood said.
Still, he said he is also hearing from voters about an “anger at the Democratic Party for being a weak and failed opposition to Donald Trump and Republicans in Washington.”
He agrees with that anger, he said, expressing frustration with older Democrats not passing the torch to new leaders.
“There’s legislation, things we could have stopped, if we had all of our members there. There’s a real frustration that the Democratic Party is losing touch and not doing enough about it,” he said.
Jordan Wood Interview in Full
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Why did you decide to run for Senate here in Maine?
So I got in the race in April and what ultimately made me decide to do this, is I believe our country’s in a moment of crisis, the future of our democracy, the rule of law, and the country based on the values that I grew up with is all at risk in that we have an authoritarian in the White House who can only be held in check with a pro-democracy Senate, and House majority. Essential to that is winning the seat in Maine and defeating Susan Collins.
I think about this campaign as about two issues. One is democracy, the need to end political corruption so that we can both accomplish and solve the problems that Americans need around affordability, and also so that we can make possible delivering those solutions. And the second is affordability. And that really comes from how I grew up. I was born and raised in Lewiston, in central Maine, a family that lived near paycheck to paycheck as a kid. My father’s a pastor. My mom’s a teacher. When I was born, my mom had to stop working to provide child care for my twin brother and I. When I was three, she had to go back to work because the church my dad served couldn’t afford to provide the family with health care. I started work at 16, worked through high school and college, was able to go to college because of need-based student loans. I graduated college with $100,000 in student loan debt, and I was also in second grade in Lewiston when Susan Collins was first elected our senator. In those 30 years that she has been representing Maine in the Senate, these problems of affordability, which were hurdles for my parents, but surmountable, have not just continued—they’ve become too much to overcome and I think they are putting out of reach, particularly for young people but families across the country and here in Maine, this idea we were raised on if you work hard follow the rules, treat people well, tell the truth you can achieve the future that you want in this country.
The theme of this campaign, since we started, has been Maine courage, not just concern. Courage to stand up to Donald Trump in what I believe is this lawless, unconstitutional behavior coming from the White House, but also courage to stand up for working people in families like the one I grew up in, who we have a lot of concerns and have for a while, but what we need in our senators is some of the courage to deliver solutions to these crises.
Getting into these issues, one of the issues that has come up is the issue of health care and rural hospitals. What, as a senator, would be your approach to these issues?
The first step is reversing these cuts to MaineCare Medicaid that could leave tens of thousands without health insurance. As many as five rural hospitals could close. We’ve already been experiencing this in Maine. In rural counties, maternity wards have already closed. In some places in our state, you’ve got to travel over an hour to deliver a birth. And then what is at jeopardy right now is the expanded tax credits for Obamacare, which could skyrocket premiums 30, 40 percent in some places. So all of that needs to be reversed, but I think that’s not enough. We’re still working from a status quo that’s a broken health care system. I ultimately want to get to a system of single payer of Medicare-for-All. I think the first step to that is creating a government-backed public option in the marketplace that allows people to not have health insurance for themselves and their family, tied entirely to employment. This would create both a nonprofit competition in the marketplace and it would create universality, access for everybody. What ultimately should be the reality in America is that you can live and work where you want to and be able to have a family and not be worried about whether or not they’ll have health insurance. We’ve got to stand up and reverse the cuts right now, but that’s not enough. We’re still working from a broken system and we’ve got a deliver change that always keeps in mind the goal of Medicare-for-All a single payer system.
Another issue I wanted to ask about regarding the Trump administration is the tariffs. Can you speak to how this has affected Maine? What would you do on this matter as a senator?
I would start with the need to recognize that many parts of Maine have been left behind and hurt by free trade deals like NAFTA. Jobs left these communities, they feel like, and truthfully, a lot of these trade deals were driven by corporate America and the wealthiest, and that’s who’s benefited from these. Growing up in Lewiston and spending time in mill towns across the state, I know what that looks like, and I know the anger about trade. In terms of how the tariffs regime from this administration are being implemented is so haphazard, chaotic, and senseless in the way that it attacks some of our closest allies like Canada.
In Maine, it doesn’t just mean increases in everyday prices for everything from cars to groceries. It also has really affected tourism. Canada—we share a very large border with them. Old Orchard Beach, Ogunquit, and some of these beaches are the closest for Canadians. Tourism, this summer, from Canadians is down as much as 30 percent. That speaks to both the rise of a cultural tension with a friend and an ally. Many Mainers are of Canadian ancestry, so I think we see both this economic effect in the cost of goods, and that’s going to continue to go up. But also see this cost around tourism and its relationship for a friend, for an ally, and that is not how we should be treating partners like Canada.
We’ve seen over the last few years really a rise in political violence, the assassinations of the Minnesota legislator, Melissa Hortman and conservative activist, Charlie Kirk. As a senator, what do you really do to bring the political temperature down? And how do you think Washington should be reacting to this rise in political violence?
I appreciate this question because it is fundamentally at the center of why I decided to get into this race and he risk and jeopardy I believe our democracy is in. The rise in political violence is one of the best indicators of that. It is a reality that I’ve experienced most of my professional life. My first job—my junior year of college—was in Washington, D.C., at the DCCC. I started that job in January of 2011. That month was when Gabby Giffords was shot, and one of her staff members was assassinated. I, in going to work at the DCCC, was working with people who knew the murdered staffer. Since that moment, my professional life in political organizing advocacy has always been with this experience of rising political violence. You mentioned recent ones, but they have been in very close proximity.
I was at the Capitol on January 6 as a chief of staff for Katie Porter, which I remain to believe is the worst act of political violence in our country’s history. It is a day that is such a symptom of a broken democracy. I think at its center, that is what political violence is, is that we see this rise in political violence coinciding with the decline of trust in democracy and a decline in the rule of law. Democracy is starting to be undermined when people feel like they can’t be heard, and they’re resorting to violence and that there is a culture that is creating a permission for that. I think Donald Trump uniquely has been responsible for this. Earlier this year, one of the worst things he has done is pardoning the January 6th insurrectionists, including those who engaged in political violence. What that does is send a message to the country and his supporters that if you commit political violence on my behalf, it’s not a crime. That message is very dangerous to send.
We need political leaders to have the courage to stand up and say that and stand up to it. January 6 was an event that was instigated in large part, not just by Donald Trump, but by so many other Republicans in Congress—Senators and House members who knew that Donald Trump was lying when he said this election was stolen from him, who knew there was danger in what they were doing, but they stoked it. Some went to the White House and spoke at his Stop the Steal rally. We saw Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz egging this mob on before they got to the Capitol. And then after the insurrection, Republicans in Congress came back and still voted not to certify the election. All of that builds on each other into the crisis we have for our democracy and the rise of political violence.
As senator, there’s two things I think about. One is that I believe our first priority has got to be sweeping anti-corruption money, politics reform and specifically a federal right to vote for all citizens, independent redistricting to end partisan gerrymandering in all 50 states, and then the corruption reform. This is an important first step to restoring trust for people in our democracy and its ability to solve our problems. The second is, after January 6, I went to divinity school for a semester, specifically studying political reconciliation and the role of religious communities around the world in bringing about that reconciliation and led a group called Democracy First. One of the initiatives that I’m most proud of is working with pro-democracy, pro-rule of law, Republicans, patriots, that worked with me to have candidates and elected officials across battleground states and in Congress who would be responsible for certifying the 2024 election and having them publicly commit to core non-partisan principles of our democracy—accepting the outcome of elections when the votes are counted, denouncing political violence against. We had close to 700 candidates, elected officials in the battleground states and in Congress that made that commitment. That is how we overcome it. You know, you listen to the remarks of Governor Spencer Cox, and I think they’re extremely powerful, but exactly the tone that is needed, which is that come together and say, political violence is never acceptable, no matter the motive or who the target. In a democracy, we settle our differences through dialogue, through peaceful demonstration, through free and fair elections and through the courts. Never violence, and we need leaders from both parties always to say that with a single voice and that leadership has been lacking from so many in Congress and is truly lacking the most from the president, who I believe continues to stoke this violence.
Following up on that, we’ve seen in recent days the firings of individuals who have been accused of celebrating Charlie Kirk’s assassination, and of course, the situation around Jimmy Kimmel. Do you think this is a real threat to the First Amendment?
It speaks to the other, you know, the crisis for our democracy, I find intrinsically tied to the unprecedented level of political corruption in this White House. The firing of Jimmy Kimmel I see as just a glaring exposure of that corruption where Donald Trump has is trying to structure the government and run the government in a way that appeasing him is what matters most. The firing and silencing of Jimmy Kimmel is in large part a result of ABC and Nexstar trying to get FCC approval on a multi-billion dollar merger. Jimmy Kimmel’s saying something offensive about the president jeopardizes that, and so in order to appease Donald Trump’s ego, we are going to fire Jimmy Kimmel. We have seen this repeatedly from day one of this administration, when Mark Zuckerberg agreed to settle Trump’s erroneous lawsuit about being kicked off Facebook after January 6 with a massive payment to his presidential library, when Qatar gave Donald Trump a half-billion-dollar airplane as a gift. Donald Trump is running this government as a wannabe dictator or king, where personal enrichment in power is all that matters. The firing of Jimmy Kimmel speaks to that because what Jimmy Kimmel said that was so upsetting to Trump is that he called out his real lack of empathy toward this tragedyin sayingTrump talks about Charlie Kirk like he’s his son, but when asked about it days after the shooting, he says he’s fine and goes off to talk about the ballroom he wants to build off the White House. That’s not how somebody responds if somebody they call is like a son was murdered. That is, I believe, Donald Trump is an immoral person without any sense of empathy for others. He cares about no one but himself.
A big focus of your campaign has been your anti-corruption policy. Can you tell me a little bit about these proposals and speak to why it’s such an important issue for our country?
I got involved in political organizing and advocacy in college around issues like climate change, the need for gun safety reform and after several years in the wake of Citizens United recognized how big money, corporate money in our politics its undue influence is really standing in the way of our ability to deliver on both issues around affordability like health care and child care, but also issues that matter to me socially. I helped start a group called End Citizens United in 2015, and it was the first time there was an electoral group that was really helping to elect Democrats who were committed to sweeping campaign finance reform.
It’s connected to so much of the change that Americans need and are not seeing in their lives. That work centered around both elected Democrats that were going to champion this issue, but also calling for it to be the first priority. We’ve seen in Congress, when Democrats took the House back in 2018, what that legislation looks like very specifically, ending dark money with full disclosure of C4 spending in our elections, which would really eliminate the ability of corporations, foreign individuals and the super wealthy from hiding their identity and spending to decide elections.
Our campaign doesn’t take money from corporations, lobbyists or corporate PACs. I support bans on that as well. If you’re trying to influence a member of Congress by advocating for policy, you shouldn’t also be able to leverage money. That’s what voters want. These reforms are essential to earning back the trust of working people, everyday people in our country, to know that the policy solutions that Congress is passing are done in their best interest only, not because of donors or special interests. It makes those changes possible. We can get to work on addressing the affordability crisis and so many other issues.
Senator Collins has proven in the past to be able to win in very difficult environments, 2008 being an example of that. Why do you think Democrats have struggled to unseat her in the past? And what have you kind of learned from these past campaigns that you’ll do differently this time around?
How I think about this race and the challenge of defeating Senator Collins is that national Democrats have really only made one concerted effort to try to beat her, and that was in 2020. In 2014, her previous reelection, Senator Collins had the support of a lot of progressive groups like Giffords’ group for gun safety, the Human Rights Campaign, the largest pro-equality group in the country. Pro-choice groups stayed neutral, a pro-environment group endorsed Senator Collins. The largest outside spenders in the 2014 race were democratic groups. For Senator Collins, I don’t think of her as much as this unbeatable opponent, but one that’s really only been challenged once. We are in a drastically different political environment today than in 2020, although it has only been five years since 2020, when Senator Collins helped approve a Supreme Court that overturned Roe v. Wade. Maine is a very, very strict defender of a woman’s right to choose, and that is something that Senator Collins said would not happen, and it has. She no longer is pro-choice because what we need of a senator is someone who’s going to guarantee that right for all Mainers. And she fails to do that.
We also, since January 6, have seen how the lack of courage from her and so many other Republicans to stand up to Trump and this lawlessness and this anti-democratic threat, what the stakes are. Voters now know that Donald Trump will be president the day after this midterm. It is a state that understands deeply what’s at stake with Donald Trump and the White House and the need for the Senate to be a check on that power. I think that voters think about this differently.
But we’re also running a different type of campaign. I take very seriously how we fund this campaign, not taking money from lobbyists, special interests or corporate PACs. But also in earning back the trust of voters through town halls, which Susan Collins has not had in 25 years. We’re going to all 16 counties to host these town halls. I’ve committed as senator that I would have a town hall at every county every year. Voters are given that opportunity for them to ask me questions, for them to express their hopes and their fears, and to learn more about my background so that they can trust me. I think it’s an essential first step, and that’s why we have been working on that all year and have had events across the state.
We’re truly providing a contrast in a change of direction for the people of Maine, not just generationally. Again, I said I was in second grade when she was first elected. But it’s bigger than that. I’ve lived through so many of the struggles that people in Maine, particularly young people, face. And I mentioned student loan debt. If we had more senators who had graduated college with massive amounts of student loan debt, I think we would have solved this problem. If we had more senators who had as much exposure to gun violence as I have, and so many young people have, we would have solved that problem.
I grew up in Lewiston, the bowling alley that was, where the shooting happened, that’s where I learned to bowl. I walked in the 4th of July parade in Highland Park, Illinois, that was shot up. I was at January 6. These problems, for young people, we see a Senate that is so removed and detached from them; they’re not solving them. That is a change and a different type of campaign to run against Senator Collins. It is how we will beat her. And we will.
During these town halls, what have been the top concerns you’ve heard from Mainers across the state?
A couple that are brought up every time, sometimes in different ways, is an anger at the Democratic Party for being a weak and failed opposition to Donald Trump and Republicans in Washington. And that anger and that frustration is real. And I agree with it. The other is— Maine has one of the oldest populations in the country, as you know—and I think for older voters, there’s a lot of fear about the future and that they have grown up in America that had consensus around values, had consensus about democracy, had consensus what our role in the world was. And they see that all slipping away.
Senators like Susan Collins, who have been quiet and failed to use their power to stop this, have instilled fear, and their voters are looking for fighters to stand for the Democratic Party to stand up for our country to tell the truth and take on difficult fights, and so I hear that consistently. Also this need for generational change. I hear it most from older voters who watched what we went through with Joe Biden, where an elder statesman, someone who has served this country in the Senate since he was, I think, younger than me, but clinging to power and not willing to pass the torch and bring in generational change. The consequences of that we are dealing with now, and I, I think this year three Democratic house members have died of old age. There’s legislation, things we could have stopped if we had all of our members there. There’s a real frustration that the Democratic Party is losing touch and not doing enough about it.
There’s one foreign policy I wanted to ask about, which is the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. There have been a lot of calls for arms embargoes and a halt to aid for Israel. Where do you stand on this?
The humanitarian crisis in Gaza today is an unfathomable tragedy, and it’s one that could have been predicted when this war started. So I would say two things. This is an issue I’ve worked on most of my life since college, I helped organize demonstrations around what I what I believe were apartheid policies in Israel against Palestinians and the need for a two-state solution for a peaceful accord that would give both these people an ability to live peacefully next to each other. One of the most disappointing days for me with President Joe Biden was in the wake of October 7, his failed leadership in helping bring a peaceful resolution to the grotesque, awful terrorist attack on Israel on October 7. There was a moment where the U.S. could have taken on a leadership role to prevent what we are seeing now play out in Gaza, and that Joe Biden failed to do that. In many ways, gave a blank check to Benjamin Netanyahu to enact a violent campaign of revenge and retribution that has led to the deaths of thousands of civilians.
It is now incumbent on the United States Senate and our government to do everything in its control to end this famine and humanitarian crisis. If I was in the Senate today, I would have voted to stop offensive armed weapons sales, the legislation introduced by Senator Sanders, to stop that until this conflict is resolved.
Our other senator, Angus King, I think really stood up with real moral clarity in this moment of what is needed and that we need to tell the truth. But also recognize Israel is not just a strategic ally and partner and has been for its existence, but is a cultural and historical ally and a friend. It’s important that we maintain that relationship and help Israel do the right thing in this moment. I care deeply about that and this issue, and I think we can both bring a peaceful resolution to the war in Gaza while also maintaining our strong partnership and alliance with the State of Israel.
That pretty much covers the questions I had prepared, but is there anything else you’d like to add or think our readers should know about you or your campaign?
I guess the last thing I would say we didn’t really talk about, but I’m a gay man and have a child. My husband and I had our first child in January, and I think that families like ours are really under threat in this moment and are a group of the marginalized that under attack. The stakes for this election and what I believe are under threat are very real for me. My daughter was a big part of ultimately deciding to run, too, and how I think about the future and the work in front of us to make sure that our children grow up in a country that respects the rule of law, that embraces democracy and stands up for what’s right. To have a hopeful future is to have a democratic future because our ability as citizens to affect positive change and to achieve the future in the country that we want is so intrinsically tied to hoping for that, and we need democracy and hope both.